He declares that what is true of Garrison Keillor's fictional store "Ralph's Pretty Good Grocery" is also true of democracy and capitalism: if you can't get what you. By John Mueller. Capitalism, democracy, and Ralph's Pretty Good Grocery. Capitalism, on the other hand. Responsibility: John Mueller. Imprint: Princeton, N. Capitalism, Democracy, and. Ralph's Pretty Good Grocery. He declares that what is true of Garrison Keillor's fictional store "Ralph's Pretty Good Grocery" is also true of democracy and capitalism: if you. By Mueller John.
Princeton, N. Mueller, John E. Condition is Very Good. No markings in book. Princeton University Press, This is an ex-library book and may. Capitalism, Democracy, and Ralph's Pretty Good. Click here if your download doesn"t start automatically. Therefore the only reason people have come to consider that item desirable, nay, essential, is that they have been cleverly and insidiously brainwashed by agile and dissembling promoters from the megalopolistic plumbing industry. And the results of such efforts are none too predictable: as noted, the vast majority, in fact, fail.
The producers of the hula hoop were probably surprised and elated by the fact that people actually seemed, for a while at least, to need their nonsense item, just as the producers of the Edsel were surprised and depressed by the fact that few consumers seemed to need theirs. The promoters of compact discs found there was a large and ready market or need for their product out there, but the promoters of digital audio tape, a product that does everything a CD can do and records as well, did not.
In general, under a growing capitalist economy, desirable or at any rate desired goods and services tend to become cheaper, better, more abundant, and more widely dispersed.
However, if some people—the Amish, for example—happen to want to pursue lifestyles of a different sort—more etherial and less materialistic, perhaps—the system will generally put no barrier in the way. In fact, it may well assist them in their endeavors if a profit can be made by so doing: capitalist Hollywood, for example, is quite happy to make movies that ingratiatingly, and profitably, service the prejudices of those hostile to capitalist culture, often making a pretty buck off movies that show capitalism to be debased, uncaring, deceitful, and brutal.
And there are plenty of businesses selling equipment at attractive prices to provide basic comforts— even the occasional guilty luxury—for anyone who wishes to wander into the wilderness to commune with Nature or Whomever else is out there. Capitalism also fosters, indeed depends on, competition, and this element of its culture is often deemed vulgar and grasping. As capitalists have gradually discovered, capitalism tends to inspire that is, systematically to reward not the deceit and incivility and boorishness so commonly associated with it by detractors, but business behavior that is honest, fair, civil, and compassionate.
However, capitalists can often be fiercely competitive, and the public crowing by some of the most self-obsessed and aggressive of them can often be arrogant and distasteful, a quality emphasized in the common disdain for the nouveau riche. They can also become arrogant and superior about their success, attributing it entirely to their own skills and moral excellence: even the mild-mannered and genuinely pious John D. Those capitalists who remain quiet and unassuming and who fail to engage in such colorful and irritating behavior tend not to be noticed.
Moreover, my point in all this, of course, is not to argue that arrogant and boorish business behavior does not exist, but that such behavior is, on balance and in the long run, economically foolish. Certainly, it is easy to find instances where capitalists have allowed themselves to become entrapped by ego and end up paying the price.www.cantinesanpancrazio.it/components/hycaluso/859-controllare-chat.php
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An excellent case in point is furnished by John Ringling. And capitalism often punishes them for it. Inequality and Unfairness Capitalism must plead guilty as well to the second criticism, that it necessarily leads to economic inequality and that it often is—or seems—fundamentally unfair in its results. In principle, I suppose it could be argued that capitalism as a system does not necessarily require inequality. In practice, however, some people will do better than others at the self-enrichment process.
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And, in consequence, notable, even glaring, economic inequalities will emerge. Indeed, if it is true that the greatest profits as well as the greatest failures are accompanied by the greatest risks, people who have become very rich in business must usually have taken large risks and much of their success is very likely to have depended on luck. Rockefeller gambled—correctly, as it turned out— that a way could be found to remedy that defect. Or because a competitor happens to make an exceptionally foolish decision: at one key point Microsoft was greatly benefited because a competitor was out flying around in his small airplane when IBM came to call.
That is, in the classic whimsy, 6-Up could easily fail while 7-Up triumphs. There is no way capitalism can avoid a dilemma on this score since in an important sense, the system routinely creates not only the deserving poor but some rich people who certainly do not seem to have done much to deserve their wealth. This can engender resentment, as well as bitterness, often mixed with jealousy perhaps, toward the whole system.
That bigness may not be a necessary or notable evil is suggested by some of the earlier discussion.
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Big companies must normally take a longer-term perspective and are more likely than the small operator to find value in honest, fair, civil, and compassionate business dealings—indeed, as will be discussed in chapter 4, that discovery may have been one of the reasons for their comparative success. But the conventional bias against bigness can aid the comparatively unsuccessful in their efforts to use public resources to rein in the big and to coddle the small, an effect which sometimes has considerable political appeal however little economic sense it may often make.
And in the end the only way to prevent greater inequalities from emerging from this process is to hamper development it51 CHAPTER 2 self.
Thus, the surging disparities in world economic development that have taken place over the last two centuries see figure 4. Since most people win in a growing economy, if capitalism generates more growth than other systems, it also creates more winners. But there are always plenty of losers as well, and this inevitable result can seem heartless and unfair. Mellowing the Equality and Cultural Effects Nonetheless, government can be used to reduce both the equality and the cultural effects somewhat without destroying the system. Frequently, the political establishment may seek to supply those commodities and services it believes are insufficiently supplied by the market.
Cultural agitators, for example, have often been able to shame politicians into deciding that the sometimes inadequate market for the fine arts should be supported and embellished with public largess. On the other hand, throughout most of history the very considerable market for such desired commodities as pornography, drugs, prostitution, gambling, and liquor has been suppressed or restricted by the government.
More recently there has been a growing consensus that the market for cigarettes should be stamped out or at least severely inconvenienced, no matter how much pleasure smokers derive from their carcinogenic addiction. At the same time, however, the notion of banning one of the most destructive devices ever invented, the private passenger automobile, has never taken hold—or even been substantially advanced. Once quite a bit of money is made in this way, some of it can be taxed away from the rich without undue pain, and these revenues can be used to redistribute income or to soften the blows that capitalism inevitably inflicts on some people—cushioning the pain of unemployment or bankruptcy, for example.
In addition, the wealthy can be goaded, or encouraged by judicious tax policies, into giving some—even lots—of their money away, thereby further easing inequality. In many cases it may be sensible to leave the money in the hands of successful capitalists because it will be used for further development, engendering more jobs and wealth for the society. Although he was justifiably proud of his many philanthropic achievements, Rockefeller may well have been correct when he repeatedly insisted that these were far less important than the good he had accomplished in his business by creating jobs and by furnishing affordable oil products.
At the extreme, this perspective has led to wage and price controls, a popular, if economically damaging, policy that, as discussed in chapter 5, is only now being overcome. In spite of their quest to eliminate economic inequality, socialist and communist systems still contained a great deal of it—often even more than under capitalism, according to some studies.
However, when a new, substantially merit-free aristocracy—the nomenklatura—arose under Communism, those less well off could console themselves in the belief that their humble position in society derived not from any inherent lack of worth, but from their noble refusal to subordinate themselves to the party nonsense—rather like a poor peasant who could blame his condition on the inevitabilities of the class system rather than on his own inadequacies.
And if you want all people to be rewarded equally for their labors and if you want a system in which everyone all the time will feel that they have been treated fairly, you cannot have capitalism. The Profound Irrationality of Capitalism: Investors as Unintended Altruists A final comment on capitalism and its image may be in order. When one examines the oft-neglected issue of risk, it appears that many capitalists effectively act as altruists—that is, they knowingly and systematically take a financial loss that, as it happens, betters the economic condition of their fellow human beings.
Two facts are central to this conclusion. First, people who actively speculate on the stock market, even the most seasoned and highly skilled, do worse on average than those who simply and almost randomly buy the market across the board. Some individual investors, of course, may do better than random just as some coin flippers may come up with ten heads in a row. But there is abundant and widely appreciated evidence that those who do better than the stock-market average are actually less numerous than one would expect by chance, and that those who do well in one period are not notably likely to do so in the next one.
That is, investors regularly evaluate their holdings and express their confidence and concerns by moving their money in such a way that, in general and on balance and over the long run, they reward well-managed, productive companies and penalize poorly run, underproductive ones.
Indeed, a central argument for reducing the capital gains tax is to encourage such beneficial, even benevolent, economic behavior. Economic growth would be substantially less coherent and capitalism would develop far less effectively if this vital evaluative behavior were not taking place.
On the other hand, those who do speculate in this manner are, on average and on balance and in the long run, making less money than they would if they simply bought the market and stood pat. Consequently, stock-market speculators are effectively unconscious altruists: their activities are an important aid to productive economic growth, but on average they are taking a financial loss in performing their highly useful function. If no one engaged in such activity, the rest of us would be less rich, and therefore we owe a debt of thanks to the speculators who are, indeed, less well off than they would be if they stopped speculating.
Thus at base, capitalism depends on the self-lacerating thrill of the gamble. Speculators, of course, are not principally trying 55 CHAPTER 2 to aid the general economy, but to become rich themselves, preferably quickly. However, in the end and on average, their collective gambles aid the general economy, and the gains they derive from their curious behavior are less than optimal. While this result may not be intentional, its ultimate effect is benevolent and selfsacrificing—and therefore effectively altruistic.
This negative image has been propagated over history by a wide variety of dectractors: socialists, communists, fiction writers, intellectuals, religious thinkers, and aristocrats. Their goal has had a considerable utopian appeal, and over the last couple of centuries, often armed with ingenious and appealing folk songs and stirring promises, they have proved to be extremely adept propagandists—well organized and colorful. Thus, gambling mobsters always seem inexplicably to rub out their debtors rather than cutting deals that might at least give them partial recompense. Employers who unwisely create dissension by brutalizing their charges are more engrossing than ones who maximize profits by cleverly maintaining a contented workforce.
Landlords who mindlessly harass their tenants supply more dramatic punch than ones who realize they can charge higher rents if the tenants find the building to be especially desirable and its management especially pleasant. Labor negotiations that break down and lead to pitched battles between strikers and company goons are far more colorful than ones that lead to mutually satisfactory agreements. Wall Street entrepreneurs who cheat are found to be much more fascinating than ones who profit from integrity.
Swindling adds grist to a tale even if it requires positing an improbable gullibility to the swindled.